The Nexus between Poverty and Climate Change
Poverty is a dynamic and multidimensional
condition. It is formed by the interaction of social, economic, political, and
environmental processes, individual and community characteristics, and
historical circumstances (Leichenko and Silva, 2018). The characteristics of
the poor or being poor vary within the country and between countries. It is
increasingly recognised that, along with other drivers of poverty, climate
change poses a serious threat to poverty reduction efforts. Climate change
threatens to frustrate the accomplishments of development efforts that are
achieved over decades. It also prolongs the already existing poverty cycles,
increases inequalities, deepens food insecurity, and delays the poverty reduction
process and sustainable development.
As we already know, poor people’s livelihoods are
highly dependent on climate-sensitive sectors and they lack the basic
infrastructure for dwelling or for services at a community level. In addition,
many of them live in areas highly vulnerable to climate change and prone to
climate-induced hazards. As a result, they are affected by disasters
disproportionately. In other words, poverty exacerbates and is exacerbated by,
the impact of climate change (Adger, 1999, Khan et.al., 2010). It is
increasingly evident from numerous studies that the nexus between climate
change and poverty are complex, multifaceted, and context-specific. It is
argued that poverty reduction process can be delayed because of climate change
if it is not addressed properly.
To ensuring sustainable development, the world is
facing a twin challenge: a) expanding economic opportunities for all in the
context of a growing global population; and b) addressing environmental
challenges which, if left unaddressed, could undermine our ability to seize
these opportunities. In the face of pressing economic and environmental
challenges, national and international efforts are of critical importance to
promote sustainable growth. Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are now in
action. It has been portrayed in the document known as ‘The Future We
Want’. At the seventieth session of the UN General Assembly on 25 September
2015, the member states adopted the SDGs. The declaration was titled “Transforming
Our World: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development”. All the
193 member states of the UN expressed their sincere commitments to work towards
implementing the 2030 Agenda within their own countries as well as at regional
and global levels.
The collection of 17 Goals with 169 associated targets
came into effect on 1 January 2016 and would guide the international
development agenda until 2030. Notably, many targets are linked to
climate change one way or the other. Of them, SDG 13 specifically addresses the
issue of climate change. Climate change provides an additional threat that adds
to, interacts with, and can reinforce existing risks, placing additional
strains on the livelihoods and coping strategies of the poor. Unless concrete
and urgent steps are taken to reduce vulnerability and enhance adaptive
capacity of poor people, and unless these actions are mainstreamed into all
development strategies for poverty eradication and sustainable development, it
will be difficult to meet some of the SDGs by 2030.
Climate resilience therefore is seen as one of the
major cross-cutting issues of any programme directed to Extremely Poor People.
The programme should explore how the programme can create some examples of
climate resilience building, to prevent damage to the livelihoods of
participant households in future and enhance their capacity for long-term
adaptation to climate change. It is to be noted that These extremely poor
people are largely from maginalised groups, such as char dwellers, ethnic
minorities and Dalits. Climate-induced hazards results in both slow-onset and
rapid onset natural disasters such as tropical cyclone; high tidal and storm
surge, flood, and increased salinity in water as well as in soil. These hazards
are all too common in the Prosperity project’s working area, affecting the
already marginalised groups even more badly and further increasing their
vulnerabilities and social inequalities.
These climate-induced hazards damage their houses,
cattle/poultry sheds, community infrastructures (roads, educational and
religious institutions), tube-wells, farming equipment, poultry and livestock,
natural assets (arable land and water bodies) and people’s human assets
(health, skill and children’s education) with short and long-term implications.
Studies also show that climate-related disasters affect social relations within
the community. Relief efforts after disasters, for example, can disrupt social
harmony.
Affected people apply their own resilience
strategies, but these often prove inadequate in the face of the increasing
severity and scale of climate-related disasters. Rainwater harvesting of
households with the basic household structure, raising household plinth,
keeping a small food, for instance, do little to protect against a cyclone, tidal
surge or flooding. Only very few can save their assets during such hazards.
These vulnerabilities to climatic shocks, however, vary from person to person
and household to household, depending on their capacity to prevent, cope or
adapt such hazards or disaster. Those who fail to cope will obviously
fall further down the poverty line, unless we build their resilience through
well-planned interventions to combat climate change impacts.
To build that resilience, as argued
in existing body of literature on sustainable climate change adaptation,
any interventions must focus on ways of securing well-being, strengthening
adaptive capacity, and addressing the root causes of the vulnerabilities of the
poor. Adaptation to climate change in many instances aims to reduce social
vulnerability at household and community levels. Prosperity programme can
play a role in improving human capital, reinforcing physical capital, helping
gain access to natural capital, strengthening financial capital and building
social capital – all aimed at reducing social vulnerabilities of the extreme
poor households to climate change effects. Accordingly, the Prosperity
programme is developing a range of categories of livelihood capital to measure
social vulnerability in order to understand the contributions of the project and
to compare between households that are supported by the programme using
the Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF), which has been widely promoted
as a tool for assessing human well-being (Twigg, 2007, Scoones,
2009). This framework assesses livelihood capitals[1] (human,
social, natural, financial, physical), which influence vulnerability to shocks,
trends and seasonality. Livelihood strategies are determined through
these capitals, and these determine outcomes such as income, well-being, and
food security, hence reducing vulnerability (Birkmann et al.,
2013, Chambers and Conway, 1991). The following Table 1, for example,
describes the significance of these social vulnerability indicators to reduce
the negative impacts of climate change.
Table 1: Social vulnerability indicators and its significance to climate change (Nuruzzaman, 2016)
Households’ Characteristics
|
Significance of those characteristics to social
vulnerability to climate change
|
Increase (+) or decrease (-)
social vulnerability
|
Human
Capital
|
||
Skills
|
Multiple skills help to diversify income sources and to move from
climate sensitive sector to non-climatic sectors.
|
Multiple
skills (-)
No skill
(+)
|
Education
|
Education plays an important role in the understanding of new
technologies for adaptation, warning information, recovery and rehabilitation
information.
|
Highly
educated (-) Little education (+)
|
Health
|
Poor health influences sensitivity to the health impacts of climate
change. Inability to work or to move because of poor health reduces capacity
to respond.
|
Good
health (-)
Poor
health (+)
|
Physical
Capital
|
||
House
Structure
|
A strong house structure could save people’s lives from cyclones and
water surges. This also represents social status in society and is often used
as production unit or storage.
|
Strong
structure (-)
Weak
structure (+)
|
Mosquito
net
|
Mosquito nets are used as a preventive measure to protect people from
common diseases, such as dengue and malaria in tropical and sub-tropical
countries.
|
Have (-)
Have not
(+)
|
Saleable
assets
|
Tangible assets are used as a buffer to meet emergency needs. Rural
people often invest some of their savings accumulating some tangible assets
as their emergency livelihood strategy.
|
Have (-)
Have not
(+)
|
Natural
Capital
|
||
Access to
land
|
People who have access to land are able to grow some vegetables for
their consumption. Possessing a piece of land often represents higher social
status and helps in getting recovery support after hazards.
|
Access to
land (-)
No access
to land (+)
|
Access to
drinking water
|
Drinking water is a scarce resource in the coastal areas and it is
largely the responsibility of women to fetch water for her family. Proximity
and access to drinking water sources determine water vulnerability.
|
Have
access (-)
Difficult
access (+)
|
Access to
forests
|
The forest acts as a safety net for the poor in general and more
importantly in any emergency situations.
|
Have (-)
Have not
(+)
|
Financial
Capital
|
||
Insurance
|
Insurance helps to reduce vulnerability to any shocks.
|
Without
insurance (-)
With
insurance (+)
|
Diversity
of income sources
|
Diversification of income sources could be used as a shock absorber to
any changes.
|
Have (-)
Have not
(+)
|
Savings
|
Savings enable people to recover from shocks by giving initial
support.
|
More (-)
Less or
no (+)
|
Social
Capital
|
||
Membership
|
Involvement with different organisations helps recovery after shocks.
|
More (-)
Less (+)
|
Kinship
|
Quality in kinship support and its support play a crucial role in
coping with shocks.
|
Presence
(-)
Absence
(+)
|
Links to
non-local employment sources
|
An alternative source of income, in particular non-local sources plays
a crucial role in maintaining family income in face of adverse situations.
|
Has (-)
Has not
(+)
|
Considering its importance in mainstreaming, all
activities, where applicable, should be climate-smart and climate resilience.
No activities under any programme should be executed discretely. Climate
lens need to be used to undertake any activities whether they are related to
livelihood development or nutrition improvement. Broadly, the programme
requires to undertake two types of interventions: a) interventions to reduce
social vulnerability to climate change and b) interventions to address the risk
posed by specific climate-induced hazards.
Written
by Dr. AKM Nuruzzaman, General Manager, PKSF on March 25, 2020, in the context of Pathways to Prosperity of Extremely Poor People (PPEPP).
It can be accessed by clicking the following link.
https://ppepp.org/the-nexus-between-poverty-and-climate-change/
It is a pressing issue for this time. It demands more attention from policy makers.
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